Tuesday, September 29, 2020

Delhi Riots 2020: A Chronicle and a Searing Indictment

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

The series of riots in Delhi 2019 to Febuary 22nd to 14th centering around the Act passed by Parliament, the ammendment to the Citizenship Act, is extensively documented in this short and well documented book written by three women who call themselves, a Group of Intellectuals. This is a welcome step in the right direction as Riots are nt documented and hence a fake narrative soon replaces the real sequence of events and the White Media is ever keen to misreport and misrepresent the events making victims the villians, the perpetrators of violence the heroes or sheroes, and completely distort the rea;ity in order to further the agenda f hostile countries/societies. In recent years, the Western Media particularly the American Media which once enjoyed an enviable reputation for fair reporting has now degenerated into an agenda driven woke inspired propaganga machine of almost Orwellian dimensions.

The authors rightly start with the genesis of the riots which they trace to the concerted, organized and deliberate infiltration of anti Indian propaganda into a purely domestic matter which has been hanging fire since 1947. The Partition in 1947, hasty, brutal, ill conceived and anarchic was imposed on India by Jawaharlal Nehru and Mountbatten. In the violence that followed Jawaharlal Nehru's Tryst with Destiny, at least 3 to 4 million Hindus and Sikhs were killed and many more displaced. The Prime Minister of Pakistan and of India agreed in the famous Liaqat-Nehru Pact to repatriate indigenous people still left in Pakistan. This became necessary as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was created exclusvely for Moslems while India true to its liberal ethos did not insist on an exchange of Population. Unfortunately over the years the indigenous people of India left behid in the "belly of the beast" have had enormous suffering imposed on them. Forced conversion, abduction of young women and girls, discrimination in employment, violence directed at community leaders, lack of edcational opportunities and the consequent ghettoization of the indigenous communities consisting largely of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhist, Jain and Christian. Even Christians, recognized as People of the Book, have been systematically persecuted under the draconian Anti Blasphemy Laws. Right from the time of Nehru the issue of granting relief to the indigenous people has been hanging fire and the BJP had promised the CAA not only in the 2014 Eletion Manifesto but also in 2019. In December 2019 the CAA was passed and in January 2020 it became Law after securing the assent of the President of India.

Deliberate concentrated and sustained propaganda was set afoot to incite Muslims all over India. The CAA was not designed to take the Citizenship away form Indian Muslims and though the educated ones were aware of this fact they deliberately colluded with ant Indian elements to propagate the view that Indian muslims would lose their Citizenship. Also the legal requirement of a verified National Population Register (NPR) which will be initiated soon was invoked as an assault of Mslems being equal citizens of  India. Unfortunately Moslem Identity Poltics which had its origin in the Khilafat Agitatin of 1921 and led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has not been countered effectively by the pabulum called Secularism. And since the time of Nehru successive Congress and non Congress regimes have incited Moslem Identity assertion and its accompanying baggage of victimhood to shepherd them into a reliable votng block, the infamous Vote Bank that political reporters speak of.

Against this background, the victory of the BJP twice in a row deeply affected the interests and offered a serious challenge to the self image of its so called intellectual elites who have lorded over the Academia, Media and the Entertainment world. The CAA provided just the pretext for a show of strength, the aar paar ki ladai as the leader f the Congress Party, Sonia Gandhi put it. A fight to end all fights would be a rough translation. The students of the Left leaning JNU, Moslem universities like JMI and AMU were mobilized and funds from Western countries and from the Middle East were pumped in to set the Riots in motion. For months from December 2019 Shaheen Bagh a predominantly Moslem area was virtually a no go zone much like the "liberated zones" of USA taken over by the Black Lives Matter agitators. Te Government of India showed enormous patience and did little to have the squatters evicted and in the Shaheen Bagh and many felt that the Gvernment of India has suddenly goe soft on the agitators. After the visit of President Trup was confirmed, the agitators started ramping up the agittion and scaling it up to draw the attention of the international/White Media.

The image reproduced on the left is an iconic image of the Shaheen Bagh Agitation. It shows a man firing at the police and there are several such images. In pursuit of one such violent gang the Delhi Police in a hot chase entered the seat of the agittion, the Jamia Milia Islamia University as the rioters had taken refuge there. And a pliant media was ready at hand to project that as an asssault on an "educational institution" and "ppor inncent students". Short heavily edited videos were circulated on the Social Media Platforms, particularly Telegram and WhattsApp to incite more violence. All these facts are ably brought out in the book.

The preparations for the violence was systematic, particularly in East Delhi. Tahir, a respected leader of the Moslems had organized acid, pistols, stones, gas cylinders, catpults and firearms on high rise buildings to attack the Police and one Intelleigence Officer Ankit Sharma was caputred and tortured by the molem supporters of Tahir for more than 7 hours before he was killed and his body dumped in a drain. (picture on the left).

The Delhi Riots were a terrible disaster that visited Delhi and on a smaller scale it had all the hallmarks of the 1984 anti Sikh Pogram organized by the Congress party under Rajiv Gandhi. There was considerable planning for violence, the core constituency was radicalized, weapons and arms gathered and the Foreigh Media was kept briefed about the events from the perspective of the rioters

This book is valuable contribution and it is a pity that a white male orgnizer of literary events who grandly calls himself a "historian" used the colour of his skin, white privilege, to ensure that this piece of credible documentation lies burried forever. It is a sign of the times that he did not succeed.


Thursday, September 24, 2020

India in Edingurgh: 1750 to the Present Colonialism and Nationalism in Scotland A Critique

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books



UK needs a museum of colonialism ... it’s being realistic about some of the really terrible things that happened in our past and teaching them to our children —@DalrympleWill
William Dalrymple, a journalist currently residing in in the "Orient", the same India that enriched his Scottish ancestors beyond their wildest dreams in the 18th century, pleads for, a "Museum of Colonialism", Just go to a Mirror and you have your Museum. For a member of a privileged colonial society to speak of Colonialism is not just graceless it is tinged with the very racism it seeks to excoriate, A Museum of Colonialism will only glorify the very essence of violence, racism and domination, that Colonialism represents by appropriating the language of criticism and political legitimacy by making indigenous people once more the objects of 'representational discourse" something that post colonial theory has been conniving at, for over two decades now and counting. We reject this ugly notion of a Museum of Colonialism as a means of rendering justice to over two hunderd years of unmitigated violence and tyranny.
Scottish historians have had a difficult task before them and Sir T M Devine exemplifies the difficulty in an honest manner, unlike William Dalrymple who seems quite ignorant of challenges faced by New Scottish Historiography which seeks to balance between imperial privilege enjoyed by Scotland after the Act of Union 1707 making it hugely prosperous within three decades of the Union and the inner tensions unleashed by that very Act. In short how is Scotland to account for its place in William Dalrymple's Museum of Colonialism. Was Scotland an Imperial power or merely an accessory to England's imperial enterprise. Imperial Historiography with its triumphalist flourish will find a new habitation in such exclusive spaces as Museums of Colonialism. And then is the question of Slavery and Slave Trade. The work of Catherine and Nicholas Draper have conclusively established Scottish presence in the Slave Trade, though the English Ports like Bristol and Liverpool handled more than 85% of the Slaving traffic. Scottish presence as Sir T M Devine points out was indirect and Scots were employed as Overseers, Surgeons and Accoutants in the Plantations of Trinidad and Jamaica. And when the Slave Compensation Data is analysed, Scottish claims are quite widespread. Given such a historical background we can do without the virtue signalling by journalists like William Dalrymple.
The book under review is a serious and well researched one. Roger Jeffery has put together a collection of essays that traverses in a lucid and elegant manner the two centuries of Scottish presence in India. Devine assimilates the presence of Scots in India to a "Diaspora" from Scotland. The term "Diaspora" is inaccurate as Scots migrated to places like India not out of compulsion but out of choice: to shake the pagoda tree and return with huge fortunes while their cousins tried to eke out a lving by investing in the Tobacco Trade with Virginia. The Scottish Administrators like Sir Thomas Munroe, Sir John Malcolmn, Robert Clive, and scores more returned to Scotland with a fortune of nearly 500,000 pounds and this money was extracted in India and transfered to Scotland only to be invested in urban properties, acqusition of Parliamentary seats and the like. George McGlivary, eschewing the charms of post colonial theory, follows the money trail and in his paper has shown that the fortunes made in India were transferred to Scotland through Agency Houses controlled by David Scott, William Fairlie, and the Barrings Bank had its roots in one such agency house. Another way by which Scots transferred their wealth from India to Scotland was to convert liquid cash into high value assets and we know that diamonds were carried back by returning Scots. Of course, many died in India, But William Dalrymple's Museum of Colonialism will gloss over such details because woke liberlism is only concerned with the optics and the rhetoric not the ugly reality.
On page 3, the chapter there is a strange remark that I would like to cntest. The authors claim that Edinburgh's reputation for heavy drug consumption in the nineteeth century is "unsourced". meaning that there is some ambiguity about the claim. Scotland gave the world the firm, Jardine and Matheson, the most notorious traffickers of narcotics in the nineteenth century and Opium sourced frm India was sent to China as payment for tea bought by the English against Silver. This triangular trade involving Sugar, Silver and Tea was financed by Opium and so obviously some of the Opium did reach a niche market in Scotland.
Some of the essays in this book deal with the vital issue: the large presence of Scots in the Administration of the East India Company in India. Almost all the Presidencies had Scottish Governors in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, before the ICS examination was introduced. In a study by John Mackenzie and T M Devine, Scotland and the British Empire, the authors on the basis of a study of 1267 Doctors wh were appointed to various posts in India between 1767 and 1815, 539 were Scots, nearly 43% of the total. A similar prosopographical study needs to be done fr the other appointments. Traditionally the argument given is that the English elite coopted the Scottish gentry by offering them lucrative posts in the company. The work of Holden Furber n Henry Dundas certainly substantiates this conclusion. And the gentry of course was not too unwilling a partner as it feared Jacobinism more than grieving over the loss of freedom. The University of Edinburgh played a major role in sending Administrators to India.
Some of the articles in this book particularly those by Frederike Voigt, Anne Buddle, and Henry Noltie deal with the acquisition of Indian Sculpture and botanical specimens from India. Scottish men working in India sent to Edinburgh a variety of Indian Art and the Scottish National Museum has a rich collection f Indian sculpture abstracted from India. The tranfrmation of religious icons into pieces of art, to be displayed in museums, was the direct result of imperial gaze and one wonders if Dalryple's Museum of Colonialism will still retain such stolen art. In the heyday of phrenlogy skulls became the objects through which Inteligence and Creativity were determined and Sir William Turner collected skulls from India, a Museum of Horrors to use Dalrymple's innane metaphor of museum, and his craniological researches were regared as some of the most accurate. Even Stephen Gould in his Mismeasure of Man refers to this "scientist".
Though I have been somewhat critical of the work, I must end by saying that almost all the papers published in this work are based on excellent research and the authors have generally avoided the banal decsent into Post Colonial theories and have not attempted to "provincialise Scotland".


Monday, September 21, 2020

Edward II: The Terrors of Kingship

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

Edward II: Terrors of Kingship
Christopher Given-Wilson
Penguin Books,2015.
  
 Edward II, imortalized by Christopher Marlowe is said to have been murdered in Berkeley Castle on September 21, 1327. Or was he? Recent research by Ian Mortimer has raised serious doubts about the pretty gruesome end of this unpopular and hated monarch. There is eveidence to suggest that Edward II was alive atleast till 1330 and so the story of his death was merely a cover for the illegal rule of Sir Roger Mortimer and the king's wife, Queen Isabella. The Queen seems to have had a relationship with Sir Roger Mortimer and the the story of the murder/assasination put out in order to quell public clamour over the illegitimacy of the rule of Issabella and Mortimer, And thereby hangs a tale told vividly and narrated with a verve and flourish few historians possess today.

Dr Christopher Gavin-Wilson is a Professor of Medieval History at the University of St Andrews. In a short work of less than 130 pages he has brought to life the tumultus reign of a tragic and perhaps largely misunderstood monarch of medieval England. The first Prince of Wales, so named as Edward was born when his father Edward I was fighting the Welsh in 1307, Edward II was by all medieval accounts a competent warrior, though he did not have too many successes on the battlefield and hence always fared poorly when compared with his more famous father. The shattering defeat at the Battle of Bannockburn in June 1314 was partly due to the desertion of powerful magnates like the Earls of Lancaster, Warwick and Arundel, there is also the lurking suspicion that Robert Bruce had completely outwitted Edward with his schilrron formation, tightly packed pikemen holding 12 foot pikes and moving as one formation and defending themselves with thick shields which deflected the arrows of the long bow archers quite successfully. The defeat at this crucial battle only intensified the internal war between the King and his magnates. 

Edward II was probably gay and his alledged lover, Piers Gavestone. The influece of this man on the King was deeply resented by the nobility and a section headed by the Earl of Lancaster began plotting to rid the realm of this 'evil influence" which in the medieval period meant nothng less than plotting for hs death. Gavestone was captured and put to death by Lancaster which only exacerbated the deep faultlines within the nobility. An interesting feature of the reign of Edward II was the promulgation of what came to be called the Ordinances, perhaps after the Magna Carta, the first set of written principles according to which England was to be governed, a compact between the nobles and the Crown.The Compact was essentially the work of the Earls of Glouchester, Lincoln and Lancaster and from a  political theory point of view is innovative as it makes a clear disctinction between the Crown and the person of the King, a precocious Cromwellian moment in the fourteenth century. The King undertook to rule in consultation with the nobles assembled in Parliament. And of course, Edward had no intention of letting Royal Prerogative slip from his hands. 

In 1318 yet another royal favourite, Hugh Despenser made his appearance and the struggle with Lancaster ended only with the capture and execution of Thomas Lancaster in 1318. Hugh made the same fatal mistake of Gavestone. he openly flaunted his nearness to the King and as one medieval chronicler put it was seen as a "second king". Accumulating earldoms was a sure sign of both political and material progress and soon the Despensers were the most powerful political clan i  all of England. As the Despensers grew in wealth, the loyal nobles that Edward II had inherited from his father started veering away from the Court, a sure sign that they were not secure in the new order. The Despensers helped Edward II in his struggle against Lancaster and in 1322 had help defeat him in the Battle of Boroughbridge in which Hereford was killed Lancaster captured only to die at the hands of an executioner two days later. The  ascendency of the Despensers was also accompanied by the first systematic attempt at augmenting the Royal Exchequer since 1066, the year of the Norman Conquest. Collection of taxes, forced loans, forefeiture of Property, fines for pardons were some of the innovative means by which Edward II raised monies for his wars. And at the time of his death had -l- 62,000 in the treasury.

As Hugh Despenser became powerful opposition began to build up and leading the contrarians were Sir Hugh Mortimer and the King's wife , Issabella. Medieval chroniclers have portrayed the relationship between the two as an adultrous one.


The Execution of Hugh Despenser
The last five years of Edward's reign were indeed filled with wars, rebellions, court intrigues and factional strife. He was quite unsuited to govern given his character and general lack of confidence in all but a handful of trusted nobles. Even the City of London was not spared his high handedness. He sought to curtail the financial and other liberties enjoyed by the City and even suspended the Mayor. Distrusting the Londoners, the Tower of London was garissoned with Flemmish mercenaries. Blaming London for the escape of Mortimer and Isabella, Edward was rapidly loosing ground.

The struggle against Roger Mortimer provoked an early but certainly precocious instance of the conflict between Church and King that was to erupt later immortalized by Thomas Beckett. Edward accused Adam Orleton, a prelate of aiding the escape of Roger Mortimer and tried to bring charges against him, the Archbishop invoked "clerical privilege" and came into the Court Room and took the prelate out and Edward could do little about it.

The book though a short account is well written and certainly worth reading. 


    














Monday, September 14, 2020

RAW A History of India's Covert Operations: Tiger Zinda hai?

RAW and Covert operations
A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

To a cynic like me, Indian Intelligence Operations, covert or overt sound like an oxymoron and the History of Indian Inteligence agencies since Independence has more or less proved me right. India does not have a Christopher Andrew to write on Statecraft and its liason with Espionage, Intteligence Gathering and Strategy. Having said that there have been a few books, Kao boys of the RAW, Mission RAW and the book under review, RAW A History of India's Covert Operations which plough lonely half hearted furrows in a field in which gossip exchanged over the diplomatic cocktail circuit passes off as "intel alerts" and popular press cuttings are palced in files bearing the label "Secret Confidential". And in this dismal situation any work on Indian Inteligence, covert, overt or secret is welcome and Yatish Yadav has written a competent work. However, he does not reveal much except some details about the infamous Rabindra Singh case.

Throughout the years of the Raj, the Intteligence Bureau or IB was the Agency responsible for both Internal and External espionage. At least by having one central agency, the rivalry between agencies and needless duplication of work was obviated. A development from the Thugee Department, the IB was quite successful in executing its mandate. It provided deep information on Tibet that fortified India's position in the Simla Conference of 1905, it successfully ran the Great Game with Russia, kept a vigil on the Wahabbis in the NorthWest Frontier and of course had pentrated deep into the Congress Movement, the Communist Movement and the Trade Union Movement. The reaon for its success was simple: Inteligence gathering had a clear political goal, the preservation of the Empire. With Independence, the Congress leadershipwhich neither had political vision nor the ability to shape a distinct civilizational goal for India after nearly thousand years of savagery, used the IB only to keep tabs on its internal opponents, the Communists, the family of Netaji Subash Bose, and sundry other such targets.  Nehru was blissfullu unaware of China's intention in both Tibet and Askai Chin. Indian Government was unaware of the deteriorating situation on the McMohan Line and the rest is History. The purpose of establishing the RAW, Research and Analysis Wing of the Cabinet Secretariat, was to provide actionable information to the Prime MInister on India's vital National Security Interests. With a budget hidden from Parlimantary scrutiny, with untramelled access to the top political leadership, the R&W was supposed to be the eyes and ears of India abroad. Instead as Yadav points out many of the R&W agents turned out to be double agents on the pay of the CIA, like Rabindra Singh, though perhaps not to the same abysmal level. 

Yatish Yadav is a patriot who does not explain or rationalize the momumental failure of Indan Inteligence. In fact he has done us a great fvour by bringing out the absolute amatuer nature of India's external operations.  He says that one counter inteligence operation which was handed over to the Ministry of External Affairs during the regime of V P Singh  in 1989 more than $ 100.000 dollars were spent and not one single sheet of policy recomendations came out of it (221).  This is not to say that there were no patriotic agents working for the R&W. The author shows that the R&W inspite of serious operational and logistic weakness was able to break the Khalistani Extremist Movement by penetrating into various front organizations in USA and Canada and provideing information that led Julio Reberio and K P S Gill successfully challenge and exterminate the threat at the source itself. But such successes were few and far between.

The R&W was called upon to deal with three major crises in India's external environment and unfortunately it failed in all three: Bangla Desh, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. India helped Bangal Desh "liberate" itself from Pakistan. The political objective behind this policy was to create a friendly state surrounded by Indian territory so that Pakistan is weakened. paradoxically liberating Bangla Desh was a huge mistake as, with the benefit of hindsight we know now that political Islam is dominant and having cut off a revenue consuminf territory, India inadvertental strengthened Pakistan which was now free to stir trouble in India using the secular card, inflaming muslim passion against the kafir Hindus, promoting muslim identity politics and secession in Kashmir, India was not prepared for te coup that brought Mujib down on 15th August 1975, barely three years after so called Liberation. R&W was taken by surprise and Mujib, India's hopes were shattered and it has not been the same ever again. In fact India nas now the unwelcome task of weeding out Banlga Desh infiltrators who have spread all across India and are now a political issue after the CAA. The R&W did redeem itself somewhat by tracing an important fugitive who had fled to Calcutta and in an act of extra ordnary rendition had him smuggled back into Bangal Desh where the decades out death warrant was promptly executed.

In Sri Lanka, India was a total disaster and Yadav  recognizes that fact but is not able to see the deeper currents. India will never accept an independent Tamil State in Sri Lnaka and the spill over into the Indian territory will fuel violent identity politics. And if Independence cannot be accepted then why did R&W under Indira Gandhi train LTTE and TULF cadres to wage unconventional war against the State in Sri Lanka. The reason again is simple: To acquire some leverage against Sri Lanka when it was seen to become close to China. This sort of Big Power Game can be played by USA and Israel. India neither has the institutional nor intellectual strenght to play this game. And India failed miserably in Sri Lanka. Once again the political objective of sending the Indian Peace Keeping Force was not clear. Was it to maintain peace or to bring Prabhakaran and the LTTE to the negotiating table. Sri Lanka, on the other hand was able to use Pakistan and China effectively and in May 2009 was succeful in getting Israeli cooperation to track down the satellite phone which was used by the leaders. India withdrew from Sri Lanka and the killing of one of India's political leaders was the direct result of this failed experiment. R&W was uable to provide ground level intelligence to the indian Army and on one ocassion when it had located Prabhakaran and reported the matter toPMO for advice, the Indian Army was ordered not to kill Prabhakaran. A costly mistake.

The most serious issue before India from 1979 when the then Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, was the question of India's role in that landlocked country. Though India was not happy with the invasion. it thought it prudent to keep quiet. And thus left the field open for the CIA. The Americans sent in some $ US 15 billion dollars in military aid to the country through Pakistan. And the high level of sectarian violence is the result of the American encouragement to jihad which culminated in the 9/11 attacks on the Twin Towers in New York city. Now as the Americans prepare to leave India does not have groups to support Indian interests there and the carnage of indigenus people in Afghanistan by ISIS groups (incidentally recruited from Malapuram, Kerala) demonstrates clearly that India has lost the game. The R&W has cultivated some assets in the Baluchi Moveent but it would have been better had Pakhtunistan Independence been encouraged as that would essentially weaken Pakistan considerably.

The book is an interesting read and anyone who wants to know abut Indian intelligence operations will rrofit by reading this book.


Thursday, September 10, 2020

The Moplah Rebellion: Insurgency, Counter-insurgency and the End: Part III

The Rebel Areas
A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books
PART III

Like anyother riot that culminated in a huge conflagration the Moplah Outrages of 1921 had a rather unseemly, even comical beginning.  Hitchcock, the Deputy Superintendent of Police sent out a police party to arrest Vadakkevitti Muhammed, the self styled leader of the Khilafat Committee at Ernad on August 21, 1921. Police went in search of the man and getting some information that he was hiding in the Mambaram Mosque in Tirinangadi they went there. Meanwhile Ali Musseliar and his associates had spread the rumour that the Police had set the mosque on fire and this provoked a large number of Moplahs to gather and soon a huge crowd had gathered. Police had to resort to firing in which a number of people were killed.  This event was itself the culmination of more than 18 months of intense propaganda and organization in the region starting from April 1920 when the first Kilafat Committees were constituted. And in August 1920, Gandhi descended on Calicut with Shaukat Ali in tow and without understanding the fanacticism that was burning in the Moplah regions of Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani, Gandhi gave out the call for Non Cooperation thereby leaving the indigenous people to the tender mercies of the Moplahs. 

During the course of the next six months or even later, the indigenous people were subjected to untold misery and groups of Moplahs killed people, looted property, descecrated temples and committed gruesome atraocities on women and children. It is a pathetic feature of Indian Historiography that the victims of the Moplahs have not been given the dignity of being remembered and those who mutilated nd killed them have their names recognized as "martyrs". Perhaps the need for a political consensus after the division of India in 1947 neccesitated an approach that would relegate to amnesia the sufferings of the people and their tormentors hailed as "freedom fighter". This change in the discourse on the Moplah Rebellion was the consequence of Gandhi's misguided and as it turned out suicidal embrace of the Khilafat cause against the better judgement of the only nationalist Muslim leader the Congree ever had, M A Jinnah. Jinnah like Ambedkar had foreseen the demonic consequences of flirting with religious extrimeism. While the leaders like Ali Musseliar and Variankunnath Kunmuhhamda, Chembrasseri Tangal and others who were judged and found guily of committing crimes have memorials all over Kerala to honour them and also to sustain the political parties that derive sustenance for their deeds, the victims of the Moplah Outrages of 1921 lie forgotten. Even the sites of the worst atrocities have not been remembered or memorialized. The temples that were looted and descerated during the six moths of terror in the region lie in a dilapitated condition tll this day. We hope that 1n 2021 when the centenary of this Moplah Rebellion comes, a Memorial with the names of the victims will be constructed,

The District Magistrate of the Malabar, F E Thomas sent in a confidential Report to the Governor of Madras requesting additional police/military support and declaration of Martial Law in the three worst affected areas. The Madras Government was reluctant to comply as it felt that with Gandhi's presence and support in the Movement, the political backlash would be hard to bear. And with the Memory of Jalianwallah Bagh still fresh, the Governor and his Council declined to declare martial law. Even additional troops were hard to mobilize as demobilization after the War had kicked in. Once again it was Gandhi's lurking presence that held back the hand of the Governor and the result, of course, was large scale violence and atrocities against Hindus and in rare cases even Christians. Indeed the Sunni character of the Rebellion is underscored by the fact that even Moplah Shias were troubled during those horrible evil days. In Kondotti in Ernad a Shia "tangal" tomb was destroyed when the local Shias refused to lend support to the rebels. It is clear that Jinnah was right. Gandhi and the Congress walked into the Khilafat Agitation with their eyes wide shut. Even the Encyclopedia of Islam notes that the Moplahs have a "reputation for uninformed zealotry unparalleled on the sub continent". 

The Governor of Madras was keen to deal with the emerging tensions in the Malabar region only as a Moplah issue and refused to even use the words Non Cooperation or Kilafat as that meant dealing with the issue at hand from a different perspective. This unnecessary concession to Gandhi's perverse entry into the Moplah Rebellion resulted in the District Administration losing valuable time and the initiative passed to the Moplahs who now felt that the Government had accepted its terms. All that Madras did was to allow him to use the powers granted to the Malabar District Mgistrate to arrest persons carrying the "Malabar Knife" under the Malabar War Knives Act of 1854. This measure came too late as by  the third week of August 1921 Moplah hordes of 2000 men were forming and assembling by the beat of drums. Men wearing Khilafat badges and carrying knives collected near Kovilagam and Manjeri. 

The Police were aware that active preparation was being undertaken for large acts of violence as information had reached Hitchcock that two Hindu Ironsmits were tasked with manufacturing the knives, daggers, and spears soon after the Karachi Conference in January 1920. The iron workers later stated that they were coerced into making the weapons and thus escaped severe punishment at the hands of the military tribunal. Hirtchcock felt that he needed sufficient men to carry out search and seizure operations across the affected areas. Madras did not agree with this perfectly sound advice. The first step that any Government takes while facing an insurgency is total theatr domination. And Hitchcock and Thomas were both forced to deal with the situation from a position of relative weakness. Meanwhile the Moplahs were indulging in attacks on police stations, tarwad mansions of Nairs jemins and temple and these attacks were often accompanied with cruel acts of violence inflicted with gay abandon.

After the attack on the Police party on August 20, 1921 it was no longer possible for Madras to pretend that all was fine in the Malabar. Deparate telegrams were sent to Simla requesting the Viceroy to authorize troops from Bangalore. Valuable time had been lost and when finally the order was given that troops stationed in Bangalore would be sent out. However the Bangalore troops were not in a positio to move to the Malabar and once again the situation in the Mlabar went from bad to extremely bad. The Newspapers were reporting all the discussions going on and so the rebels must have known the quandary in which the District Administration was faced. While the vast number of Moplah rebels were illiterates, the leadership consisted of men with a trace of education.

The District Magistrate and the Police Chief faced the threat of assasination. Ali Musseliar had said pubically that he wanted both men dead. The immediate aftermath of the defeat of the rebels in the engagement at Pookattor was a change in tactic on the part of the rebels. They broke into smaller groups and took refuge in the hills surrounding Malabar. As the rebels began threatening Calicut, the Madras Government requested naval assistance as troops still could not be found to deal with the insurgency. On August 23rd 1921, the Comus a battle ship was sent from Colombo and it arrived at Calicut Port on 25th August 1921. The naval ratings engaged the rebels near the Beypore River and a path cleared for the Administration to move to Shoranur. Calicut was defended with a small contingent of Leinsters, a lightly armed group.

The arrival of the Ship was the first step towards a change in strategy. After the defeat of the rebels led by Ali Mussiliar on 31 st September when the Tirurangadi Mosque was captured, it became imperative that the rbels be brought to justice for the killings that they had committed and so a Military Tribunal was constituted in September 1921 to try the rebels for acts of violence murder and dacoity committed by them. The official Report states "rebels terrorized the whole Hindu population and were guilty of many terrible atrocities and crimes, including murder, rapes. dacoity and forcible conversion to Mohammadanism". Just as the situation was reurning to normal in September 1921, Gandhi once again declared his intention to visit Malabar with the sole intention of course of adding fuel to a fire that was getting out of control. The Government stated quite blandly that if he attempted he would be arrested and put behind bars. The Defence of India Act was still in force and the Government could have used the Act in good measure.

Only towards the end of October 1921 was the Government able to find troops to deal with the Moplah Rebellion. Gurkhas, Karens and Burmese battalions were sent' Thre companies of Burmese, Karens and Chin Burmese troops were despatched. And once these batle hardened troops came the tide started turning. Rebels started surrendering though a few fanatical men held out till June 1922. By Febuary 1922 the Moplah Rebellion had been crushed and Malabar was free of the spectre of violence.





Wednesday, September 9, 2020

The Moplah Rebellion: The Outbreak of the Rebellion, the Course of Events and the Suppression PART II

The Memorial for Henry Vallentine Conolly
A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

PART II

The Moplah Rebellion that shook parts of southern Malabar in 1921 was in many crucial ways a continuation of the Moplah Outrages which erupted with unremitting regularity throughout the nineteenth century. At least 45 serious instances of violence are documented in the two massive volumes entited Correspondence on the Moplah Outrages published by the Madras Government soon after the 1894 Outrages.  The assasination of Henry Vallentine Conolly in 1855 was yet the most serious assault on the Administration and was instigated by an influential Moplah leader, Syid Fasal Pukkoya Tangal, the Koran Reader at Mambrum Mosque. The involvement of religious personalities like Ali Musseliar,Variyankunnath Kunjahammad, Konara Mohammad Koya Tangal in the 1921 Rebellion underscores the continuity with the events and trends of the nineteenth century. In fact, in terms of chronology itself the organization of Khilafat Committees in Malapuram, Tirunangudi, Ponnani and other places in South Malabar predated the announcement of Gandhi extending support to the Khilafat Movement as part of the Non Cooperation Movement. It is one of the many tricks of contemporary historiography to conflate the two and make it appear as though the Moplah Rebellion was an outcome of the Gandhian call to Civil Disobedience and Non Cooperation. It is on record that Gandhi's nominee to the Khilafat Committee Shri Narayana Menon   hardly commanded any respect from the agitators.

The Malabar Knife
The outbreak of violence thoughout the nineteenth century had the charecteristic feature of religious violence with the oath of becoming a "shahid" being taken in the Mosque in the presence of a tangal, a ritual meal and a ritual dedication of the murder weapons. The use of the Malabar Knife, a sharp heavy baded curving cleaver with a keen penetrating end was ubiquitious in the Outrages committed in the 19th century that mere possession of them was enough for conviction according to the special legislation enacted to proscribe them: The Malabar War Knives Act 1854. Incidentally this Act was passed even before the brutal killing of Conolly. There is an unfortunate tendency in so called "progressive" historiography to downplay the religious ideology underpinning these acts of violence and ssimilate them to an undifferentiated "protest " politics and marinate that protest politics with what they consider a "subaltern consciousness". This kind of History Writing is both tendentious and false as it completely negates the historical reality underlying such events. Of course B R Ambedkar was not taken in by the fake ratiocinations trotted out by Gandhi and Nehru to explain away egregious acts of Violnce carried out individually and collectively by the Moplahs. The Newspapers of the day carried reports of what was happening and yet Gandhi and his cohorts did not once condemn the colod blodded fanatical killings. Lord Curzon estimated that 10,000 indigenous persons and around 2,500 Moplahs were killed and around 1000 forcibly converted to the Moplah religion of Islam. He gave these figures in the House of Commons and they seem accurate. 

The Tirurangadi Mosque

The immediate provocation, if provocation was needed, for the outbreak of the Rebellion was the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and the break up of the Middle East Possessions, particularly the uncertainity over the fate of Mecca and Medina. The abolition of the office  of Caliph and "Protector of the Holy Cities" adopted by the Ottoman Emperor was discussed in the Karachi Conference where the idea of protests in India were first discussed. Hence it is clear from the sequence of events that the context of the Rebellion was Religion to which Gandhi in his great wisdom added a dose of heady politics transforming the Khilafate Movement into a mass movement of Moslems asserting their collective identity thereby starting the jaggernaut that finally led to Partition and Nehru's "tryst with destiny".

From April 1920 onwards, long before Gnadhi's call, Khilafate Committees began to be organized in several parts of India where the Shafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence held sway. The highest concentration was in the Malabar and Khalifat Committees were set up in Wallavanad, Ponnani, Ernad and Tirurangudi. The last palce hled particular significance for the rebels as it was there that the rebels of 1894 outrages were burried. Contemporary accounts speak of men being mobilized by the beat of drums and women encouraging even young boys to go out and prove their manhood by killing. This feature of the Moplah Rebellion is rather peculiar and needs further research. The Moplah Rebellion began on the 20th of August 1921 and continued in fits and starts until December of that year when the rebellion was crushed. The Mappila Rebellion Report  provides all the details of the events that transpired. Unfortunately most "Historians" prefer to use oral sources and vernacular material to official records. The vernacular material come prefigured with an interpretation tht is usually attrractive to the so called "progressive" historians, and they accept that version without any dissent. The Government Records, however, document in considerable detail the horrendous suffering endured by the indigenous people of Malabar during those terible days.








The Moplah Rebellion and its History: Real, Invented and Imagined

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

PART I
Importnat events in History appear in three distinct forms, avatrs: the real, true and experienced in reality, the invented one that lives in popular memory, around which ballads and folk tales are created and become the collective memory of a social or political group and then there is the imagined, the most dangerous of all. Imagined events are those that are curated for the purpose of political propaganda,a tool for collective mobilization and political legitimation either for appropriating political power or for subverting it. The Moplah Rebellion, unfortunately, has a great deal of the Invented Histories and Imagined Histories, but little by way of actual lived Historically verified and accurate Historical narrative, In India, professional writing on matters Historical are deeply marinated in political ideology that sustains the National consensus of 1947 one that ignored the reality of events and took refuge in slogans, labels and rhetoric. Asking questions about the past invited retribution from the High Priests of Secularism who were  ever ready with their fatwas against any overt questioning of the accepted narrative. Thus the Moplah Rebellion shorn of his History of gruesome massacres, ethnic cleansing barbaric killings has been domesticated in Indian Historiography of what pretends to be "Modern History"as a part of the National Movement, the Khilafate Movement encouraged by Mohandas Gandhi and  his two Muslim collaborators, Shaukat Ali and Mohamad Ali.

Who were the Moplahs? The Moplahs were a non indigenous group of Arabs who settled in the Malabar coast sometime in the ninth or thenth century when the trade between Malabar and Arabia was quite propsperous and the Arabs were the only major community involved. Though we do have in the Geninza Records evidence of Jewish participation in the trade, the Arabs dominated and  their kinsmen along the Malabar coast who had married local women were participants in this trade. Added to this was the strong ideological ties built between the Hwadramath region of Aden/Yemen Peninsula and throughout the medieval period Moplahs and their Hwadramath interculators were riding the Arabian Sea surf towrads commercial and maritime prosperity. We do not hear of any outrage committed by the Moplahs during the period when they dominated trade, shipping and commerce. With the coming of the Portuguese inthe late fifteenth century and  with the imposition of the "cartaz" or kagaz or permission system by the Portuguese, Moplah participation in the inter maritime shipping and commerce of the Indian Ocean declined rather sharply. Kagaz nahin dikayenge , did not work with the Portuguese and given the fact International Law was only an extension of Cannonical Law in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Portuguese treated the moplahs as pirates: rounded them up and sank their boats along with the cargo. Grand dreams of a coalition against the Portuguese first of several "infidels" in the ever expanding Moplah list of enemies, ended in the first political justification for an aggressive war against the Portuguese set out by one  Zainuddin al-Malabari, a Hwardamath scholar settled in Malabar and perhaps educated in Cairo.  His Tufat al Mujaahuddin was the first articulation if "jihad" for purely political and commercial  purposes. Nothing came of these fantasies. 

There is a great deal of fanciful histories of the Moplah Rebellion which casts tha Moplahs as "peasants". Dilip Menon in his undreadable book has argued at length about how the Moplahs constitued a "community of religion" and were oppressed  savagely by the jeminns. We  have already shown that MOplahs were essentially a maritime trading or commercial community. Not a peasant community or society. A false history is created by using the category of "peasant" to analyse the Moplah  Rebellion. In the southern part of Malabar, during the last decade of the eighteenth century, when Tippu Sultan expanded into the region his savagery aganist the Nambudris, the Tiyyas and the Nairs resulted in a large exodus of indigenous people from the region and since the Moplahs supported Tippu Sultan in his aggressive war of expansion they were rewarded with some "land rights" in the tangled skein of land rights studied meticulously by Logan. And when East India Company defeated Tipu in 1799 many of the old indigenous land holders returned to reclaim their possessions. And this was the first of many factors that lay at root of the violence unleashed by the Moplahs against the indigenous people of the land.

TO BE CONTINUED in PART II