Blood on the River: A Chronicle of Mutiny and Freedom on the Wild Coast A Review

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

Blood on the River: A Chronicle of Mutiny and Freedom on the Wild Coast

Marjoleine Kars

New York: The New Press

2020

This years Cundill Prize has this surprise nomination. A book based on primary sources and one that by and large eschews the sordid pieties of identity politics and ideological posturing. Based on archival material found in the Hague and London, this book deals with the Slave Revolt in 1763 that convulsed the Dutch plantation of Berbice in South America. The entire narrative is derived from the Judicial proceedings instituted against the rebels who were captured after the rebellion had been militarily suppressed.

Extracting historically accurate information from evidence that was generated during the course of a highly charged trial in which the witnesses were facing charges that could lead to the imposition of the death penalty, is a challenging task in that the "re-enslaved had every incentive to lie distort and omit". The Slave who rebelled and risked his life for freedom from enslavement oppression and systemic violence according to the author was scripting his own history by acting out a praxis of negation of his existing social and political reality and striving to recreate an alternate society whose inchoate shape and contour is only fleetingly captured by the sources of the period. Dr Kars has situated the Slave Revolt in a framework that is partly Historical and partly Anthropological and thus a thick description of the events from a Geertzian perspective.

The records are all imperial records, regnant with the implied superiority of white rule and the illegitimacy of the cause of the rebels. The right to use extreme was assumed to be beyond debate and the testimonies gathered in large folios like the one illustrated below contain the records of over 900 witnesses. The rebels could not speak Dutch and 

so their statements had to be translated by an interpreter who in turn made sense of the statement and conveyed the meaning in contemporary Dutch. This  double translation affords opportunities for mistranslation and error. Ranajit Guha has drawn attention to this feature of Official Records in his pioneering paper, "The Prose of Counter Insurgency".

The Slave Revolt began in April 1763 and lasted a whole year. The slow communication across the Atlantic Ocean and the absence of adequate  military support resulted in an early collapse of the Dutch Administration headed by a young Governor Simon van Hoogenheim. The military contingent sent from Netherlands reached Surimane only in April 1764 and with the arrival of nearly 1000 well trained and armed soldiers, the Rebellion was all but over. Unlike the English East India Company which possessed a strong army, the Dutch Company did not have its own dedicated military and essentially outsourced defence and protection to mercenaries. The rule of trading companies like the VOC and the EIC which were both in transoceanic commerce and slaving required a reliable supply of armed men capable of inflicting extreme violence and in the post Hapsburg Low Countries, violence was privatized to maximize profit.

The Rebellion began in the with the rather ironic name, Goed Land Goed Fortun or Good Land and Good Fortune Plantation owned by Laurens Kunker and the rebel leader Cojii or Kofi was enslaved on that Plantation. The Slaves had a  number of grievances but the most important was their extreme anguish at the horrific punishments meted out to them by their Bomba and the Plantation Manager. The Plantation economy rested on a foundation of racial violence and fear that it engendered. Like Conrad's character, Kurtz in the Heart of Darkness the plantations all over the Atlantic world were populated by men driven by lust, power and an insatiable appetite for violence. It is no wonder then that the first thing that the rebels did was to murder the Planters, their families and in some cases the loyal slaves and the bomba.

The author is particularly good in teasing out strands of ideology and motives from the garbled accounts of the Rebellion provided by the rebels during their trial. The leadership for the movement was provided by the Amina a group of elite Africans from the Gold Coast. Coiiji and his "general" Accara were both from this ethnic group and so too was Atta, the man who deposed Coiiji and drove him to suicide. The leaders seem to have replicated the hierarchy on the Plantation while the overall ideological matrix was derived from West Africa. After the suicide of the rebel leader, nearly 5 human beings were killed so that their blood could by spread on the grave. By situating the events of the rebellion in a cultural context, the author has provided us insight into rebel culture and behaviour.

The Rebellion was crushed as the Dutch were able to muster a much larger force against the Rebels and also because the Amerindian tribes supported the colonial administration by cutting off all routes of escape. Does this make the indigenous people an accomplice of the enslavers. This question, a troubling one, confronts the reader. The author leaves us with little doubt about what she thinks. But we have to see the collaboration of Amerindians in colonial anti slave insurgency in the context of what they experienced at the hands of the Spanish, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the English and the French.

I enjoyed reading this book and though it is not in the same league as The Black Jacobins by C L R James it is an important contribution.

Imperial Nostalgia, Race and Class in EmpireLand: A look at current "intellectual" fashion in Britain

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

The cartoon by Low published more than sixty years ago sums up the state of play in Britain over its imperial past. Dragging statues of long dead slavers, writing trashy tomes about "Insurgent Empire" putting on an air of moral superiority by strutting about as enlightened or in the current usage "woke" activists on call to shore up the street mobs that validate the transition to a "post colonial" state of being are the latest excesses of the white academia both in Britain or USA. Shriller the noise of virtue signaling the greater the rewards in an a academic world where group think is more in demand than scholarship or independent thought. It is very nearly the end of Humanities as a field of knowledge and its displacement by Cultural Studies which claims to represent all the identify categories that are fashionable today. 

Imperial Nostalgia How the British Conquered themselves by Peter Mitchell, a journalist, is one of several boos that essays a bold analysis of cultural and intellectual climate in what is being recognized as the disruptive post-Brexit Era. It is amusing to read that the British are now reevaluating their post imperial standing in the world today. Having benefited by the plunder of Asia's wealth for over 250 years, we in Asia are only amused by the antics, both intellectual and academic, of those who claim that they are free of the taint of colonialism as they have embraced a vision of a pluralist, multi cultural,  inclusive Britain. Writing toxic polemic against Nigel Biggar, an Oxford academic, the author caricatures and misrepresents the highly nuanced and reasonable arguments of Biggar as if they represent an apologia for  an Imperial Past. It is only the victims of imperialism who have the right to assess it and  study it in much the same way as Germans cannot and ought not to study the Holocaust as any such study would either by compromised by political loyalty or directed towards an abject ideological goal. And this is really the heart of the matter. Imperial Nostalgia is mere chimera and is whipped up to re-inscribe  white Christian moral and intellectual hegemony. The non white human cannot represent himself.  He must be represented. And who better to do this than the white Liberal with Oxford and Cambridge pedigree. 

Akala, a British rapper has written an honest book, Natives Race and Class in the Ruins of Empire,  and is well worth reading. There is no great sense of wonder and bewilderment at the demise of the Empire and Akala looks at the social setting of Britain today which is multi racial, particularly after the process of decolonization that set in after the Suez Crisis of 1956. White privilege is a reality and knee jerk genuflection towards Wokery is likely to hide that reality. Racism as an ideology was not a mere idle by product Imperialism as Akala argues. Its roots go deep into European History. The imperial tradition and its concomitant theory of History whether in the works of J R Seeley or in the more practical exuberance of Cecil Rhodes was fashioned over a period of time and Poets, Writers, Journalists and Explorers were all complicit in this task. Akala is certainly worth reading.

EmpireLand How Imperialism Has Shaped Modern Britain by Sathnan Sanghera is a disappointing read.  It more or less traverses the same territory as Imperial Nostalgia but it also suggests that contemporary British society has become more sensitive to the presence of immigrants from the colonies. Can am Asian immigrant identify himself as a member of the British society. Gratuitous use of personal pronoun we us etc does not mean that the Asian immigrant is accepted as an equal member of White society.