A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books
The historical community owes an immense debt of gratitude to Narendra Modi for having declassified the files relating to the Netaji and putting them up in public domain. This Blog is based on two files both of which are available on the website of the National Archives.
Unfortunately there is a glitch in the web site that prevented me from registering so that I could access other documents. The files relating to Netaji, around 100 in all are freely available though they cannot be downloaded or copied. The very fact that the Government has made the documents available shows a firm commitment to Historical truth. For nearly 70 years, since the Transfer of Power in 1947 Historiography remained a political tool in the hands of regime supported Leftist historians like Gopal, Bipan Chandra and Guha. The outrage that accompanied the publication of each volume of the carefully curated material found in the Towards Freedom volume bespeaks of the political dimensions of historical research and related questions about Nation, State and Society.
In the generally accepted orthodoxy that governs modern Indian Historiography, India acquired it freedom largely due to the Indian National Congress and an enshrined Triumvirate consisting of Gandhi, Nehru and Patel are the presiding deities. This simplistic and yes, self serving interpretation, ignores and at times deliberately distorts the contribution of other major figures such as Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Subash Chandra Bose and Chandra Sekar Azad. Since the British transferred power in 1947 to Nehru after Partitioning the country, the political legitimacy of the ruling dispensation rested on absolving itself of all responsibility for the horrendous violence that accompanied the decision. In fact we may say that every step towards freedom was also a step towards Partition and the leadership of the Congress was blissfully unaware of its own excesses. Khilafat Movement, the boycott of the Cripps' Mission, the mass resignation from Office in 1939, the Quit India Movement in 1942 at the height of the War, the decision to contest Muslim reserved seats in the Provincial Elections of 1937 after the Government of India Act of 1935 were some of the more egregious missteps of the Congress. Making virtue out of necessity Indian "historians" merrily created the myth that these were giant steps towards the emergence of an idea of India that was secular, modern and inclusive. The fact that the Indian movement led by the Congress resulted in the enforced Partition of India shows that the political movement led by the Congress was riddled with irreconcilable contradictions and as Perry Anderson argues in his Indian Ideology these contradictions animate political and ideological discourse in India until this day.
It is against the inherent contradictions of Indian nationalist politics of the 1930s and 40s that the role of Subash Bose is best studied. Like his other great contemporary Savarkar, Bose came to the conclusion that agitational politics will not move the cause of Indian Independence forward and so chose to ally with Japan with whose help he wanted to liberate India by leading a military force by way of Burma to attack the North East frontier of India. The fact that several Naga and Kuki tribesman joined the INA shows the wide appeal Bose had. The Congress launched the Quip India Movement in 1942 and in spite of the enormous repression inflicted on the people, the Movement achieved little except harden the British Government's resolve to divide India and Quit. Even though Japan lost the war as a consequence of the Atomic Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, the war had made political independence a distinct possibility. Almost all observers were agreed that the post war political order would be a changed one in which Asian nationhood would have a place. USA too had made its political position clear and therefore the emergence of Nation states in the post World War period was a consequence of the war. The contribution of Bose was important for the simple reason he showed the British that they could not return to India to rule. And in this Bose like Ho Chi Minh, Quezon, and Sukarno showed the limits of imperial rule.
II The Controversies, the Documents and the Truth
Sugata Bose, a Harvard Historian, a Trinamool Congres Politician, and a nephew of Netaji states in his biography of his famous uncle that Netaji wanted to surrender to the British forces as they advanced rapidly towards Singapore. There was a cabinet meeting and it was decided that Bose ought not to surrender. In retrospect the decision to escape capture was the right one. Had Bose surrendered the gaggle of regime friendly "historians" would have had a field day in much the same way as they demean and degrade the greatest of patriots, Savarkar. The mystique of Netaji is furthered enhanced when he is seen as one who continued to defy the British even as he flew to his death in a blaze of martyrdom. Bose knew that his struggle was over with the defeat of Japan and on USSR entering the war Bose ran out of options. He decided to enter Machuria and on August 18th 1945 he was headed toward Manchuria.
Did Netaji die in the crash at Teihoku Airfield. In dealing with this question we have to understand that both the British and their chosen collaborators to whom they transferred power in 1947, particularly the suave articulate and clever Jawahralal Nehru, who was the chosen heir of Gandhi, had virtually identical views as far as Bose was concerned. Nehru as the documents reveal continued to spy on the Bose family for decades. Within the Congress circles any mention of Bose was proscribed and Historians were directed to write a narrative of Freedom which airbrushes the role of Netaji. And they obliged. For long years the "Tryst with Destiny" excluded Netaji Bose and the triumphalism of Nehru's speech set the tone: Indian Independence was the achievement of those who "redeemed the pledge" and it does not take too much intelligence to understand who was meant by that telling phrase.
Nehru's regime treated Bose with scant respect. His place in the Freedom Movement has not been acknowledged. Snide comments about his Military Uniform and his Alliance with Japan was labeled "fascist", the favorite abuse of these regime friendly "historians". Bose made his Alliance with Japan on the principle of Indian Statecraft that stated that an Enemy's enemy is a friend". And the Alliance was a Military not a political one. However there is one aspect of Netaji's History as a leader of the Indian Struggle that we must not ignore. The atrocities of the Japanese in the Island of Andamans is remembered till this day and Netaji is tainted due to his association with the brutal and savage reprisals against Indians there. Of course Netaji perhaps was not aware of the ground realities. But then he bears some responsibility. Of course Bose bears no personal responsibility for the war crimes in the Andaman Islands as he spent only 2 days and a night in Port Blair. Though I am convinced that without Bose, India would not have become free, I am a Historian and so record the dark deeds as well.
Controversy over the death of Netaji has cast a huge shadow on Indian politics. Nehru was afraid that if Netaji was alive he could return and he knew that the public persona and appeal of Netaji was far more robust than his. The Intelligence Bureau was tasked to keep tabs. The Forward Bloc founded by Bose was active in Bengal politics. The BJP Government is able to deal with the Bose Questions fearlessly as its political legitimacy in no way gets diminished as a consequence of a Bose reentry into India. This is certainly not the case with the Congress. Bose is a symbol of defiance of both the Congress and the British and his legacy undermines the Congress system substantially. The dilemma of Nehru is clear from the records unveiled: He cannot accept the death of Netaji in the Air Crash of 1945 as that would enrage the supporters of Netaji and reignite the passions that had been set at rest. He cannot wish Netaji be alive as that would be a potent threat to his own legitimacy. A very difficult choice for Nehru and he got by as he is wont to do by prevaricating, grandstanding and cynical subterfuge.
In 1951 the priest of the Renkoji Temple where the Ashes of Bose were kept wanted the relics repatriated back to India. Nehru was terrified at this prospect. In fact the Priest complained as per the Note from the Embassy that India was "indifferent" towards a national hero who fought for India's freedom. This touched a raw nerve and the Government of India decided that the entire exercise of requesting the relics to be repatriated back to India was a mere pretext or ploy to increase the subvention of Rs 5000 which was paid to the Temple for keeping the relics. The Government decided to let the ashes remain in Japan till a "more favourable opportunity arose".
In 1956 the Shah Nawaz Commission was appointed and it concluded that Netaji perished in the Air crash. Sugata Bose accepts this fact but the Forward Bloc whose founder was Netaji Bose was opposed to the finding of the Commission that the great Patriot had died in the August 18th 1945 Crash. When political will and courage are lacking, prevarication and deceit become easy substitutes for courage and conviction. The Note to the Cabinet makes the policy clear:
"As long as the ashes are kept in Japan, there would always be room for misgivings that the Government of India have not accepted the findings of the Shah Nawaz Commission and the Khosla Commission regarding the death of Netaji". This passage is from 1977 a note written by R L Mishra on 21/07/1977.
The Parliamentarians Samar Gupta and Dr Subramanium Swamy were primarily responsible for raising the mystery of the INA Treasure and the Records show that the Government had much to hide in this matter as well. Shri Samar Gupta tabled a Motion before the Speaker on the issue of INA Treasure and Dr Swamy wrote to the then Prime Minister Shri Moraji Desai regarding the INA Treasure. And the files reveal some murky details.
T C A Srinivasavardan the Home Secretary of the day put up a note on 17/11/1977 which gives some details of the Treasure but rejects further Inquiry. Netaji Bose was a prudent administrator and husbanded the resources of the Government well. On his birthday in 1945 he was weighed in Gold and if we assume that his weight was 70 kilos, the Treasury of Bose had at least 70 kilos of Gold. Of course we do not know how much of that gold was transferred on to the ill fated aircraft. What is intriguing is the clumsy manner in which this issue was handled which certainly reeks of a coverup.
A Note dating to the time of Nehru states that one Shri Damle who was a passenger traveling by air from Tokyo to New Delhi was approached by the Indian Ambassador whose name is not mentioned and was requested to carry a suitcase and hand it over immediately on arrival to the Prime Minister. Damle apparently sensed that something was amiss and stated that what should he do if he is checked by the Customs. The Ambassador told him that it would be taken care of. Upon arrival at New Delhi apparently B K Nehru was at hand to meet Damle and B K Nehru asked him to hand over the box. Damle remembering his instructions said that he will hand them over only to the Prime Minister. The date is November 10th 1952. The two drive to the PM's residence where the Box is opened and left in the custody of Nehru. Another note in the me file records that it remained in the Prime Minister's custody for a year before it was transferred to the National Museum. It is very curious that Nataji Treasure was sent to the National Museum and not to a Government vault for safe keeping. The note signed by Shri N S Sreeraman states that "Dr Subramanium Swamy has been relentlessly pursuing this matter". The value assessed was a mere 500,000 Rs. And therby hangs yet another scandal of the Nehruvian Age.
While it is likely that the legacy of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose has a huge future in Indian politics if he is exorcized of the contrived burdens thrust upon him by Jawaharlal Nehru.
