Unsettling Utopia: The Making and Unmaking of French India A Review

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Unsettling Utopia: The Making and Unmaking of French India

Jessica Namakkal

New York Columbia University Press, 2021.

Pondicherry has perfected the art of the revolving door politics. Political loyalties are fluid and personalities matter more than party ideology or organization. Jessica Namakkal has studied the politics of the French Colony from the middle of the nineteenth century till the establishment of the township of Auroville in 1968, a dream project of the Mother of the Ashram. Are the two institutions, the Ashram created by Sri Aurobindo and the township of Auroville inspired by the utopian ideal of finding perfection in human societies. Her argument that both these institutions represent a continuity with the colonial past makes sense in the light of recent developments. 

Pondicherry merged with the Indian Union in 1954 and the process of achieving the "merger" was fraught with both drama and hard nailed real politik. This book unpacks some of the main contours of the social and institutional changes that took place in the region as a direct consequence of French policies initiated during the Third Republic. Her area of study is restricted to the Pondicherry region and ignores the developments in Chandranagore near Calcutta now Kolkata. An aspect of recent history that all historians dealing with what is grandly termed "decolonization" ignore is the fact that French territories in India, as distinct from Indo-Chine was the allegiance to Fighting France under Charles de Gaulle during the years of the Second World War. As an ally, French authorities were ably assisted by the Police and other agencies of British India. In the interwar years a number of political prisoners took refuge in Pondicherry including Sri Aurbindo, V S S Iyer, Vanchinathan and Bharathi. After the outbreak of World War II the tide turned towards repression and the use of non state muscle men called "goondas" in the local patios. Jessica uses the same term throughout the book without the least irony or explanation. 

Pondicherry during the Third Republic was the site of a republican experiment that tries unsuccessfully to weld the revolutionary idea of Egalite or equality with the new fangled ideas of Racism and civilizational hierarchies were being discussed in the Parisian saloons and intellectuals. The justification for French colonialism was their mission civilisatrice or Civilizing Mission. The republican adherence to the values of the Revolution meant that citizenship was extended to colonial subjects and in this France under the Third Republic was certainly more progressive than the Portuguese, Dutch and the British colonizers. This progressive measure was tempered by the formal renunciation of Indian customs and religion. The introduction of this policy created conditions that were to complicate the transition to Indian statehood. The author seems to imply that the French authorities freely deployed armed men to attack and sometimes even kill those who were in favor of Indian statehood/merger in the contrived linguistic use in Pondicherry. 

The fact is that the conditions of World War II and the relatively smooth relations between French and British authorities introduced an element of uncertainty as far as the future of Pondicherry was concerned. And given the caste configuration of Pondicherry, the French authorities unlike the British permitted the tapping of toddy and settled a sizeable number (nadar/gramini/ udaiya) in areas lie Saram, Mudiliarpet, Bahour and Karaikal. The lucrative liquor vends were largely in the hands of these privileged groups and so a steady pool of armed men ready and able to enforce the will of their French masters was readily available and this was a factor that contributed to the violence that Rajkumar and B Krishnamurthy have spoken of.

This book is written in a style and tenor of a "post colonial" narrative. There are important issues that have been left out and the thesis that the Ashram and Auroville represnt colonial legacies can be contested. However this is an important contribution to the recent history of Pondicherry.

Imran Khan, History and Political Rhetoric: The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is falling apart

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Battle of Plassey, 1757

   Imran Khan, the recently deposed Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is shaking things up in his country. Pakistan is caught in the vice like grip of two crises of its own making: the Islamic militancy or Taliban attacks from Afghanistan and the rising volume of attacks from the militants fighting the Army in Baluchistan. Added to this is the economic crisis that is inexorably leading Pakistan to an economic collapse, And Sri Lanka comes immediately to mind. China, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates have all refused to bale out the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and default of its debts is on the cards. Against this grim scenario let us see what the cricketing hero Imran Khan has been doing.

Ever since his removal from office, He has been criss crossing the country in a chopper commandeered from the Government of Khyber Pakahtunwa, where Imran Khan's PTI is in office and has addressed massive gatherings (jalsa) in Islamabad, Attock, Jallalabad, Faisalabad, and several other important cities. In spite of all the road blocks thrown up by a shaky regime, Imran Khan has succeeded in taking his message to the very heart of the Electorate. It does not take a psephologist like our own C Voter Organization to predict a substantial victory for the PTI in KP, Sind and parts of Baluchistan. In Punjab the Sheriff Family has a substantial base. Everywhere Imran Khan has been driving home the same message: betrayal of the mandate by a corrupt criminal gang out on bail. He is of course hitting out against the Sheriff Family including Nawaz who stands convicted and the present Prime Minister, Shabazz Sheriff who is out on bail. Khan's rhetoric is so impassioned that it draws immediate reaction from the crowd. The disturbing element in his political strategy is the deliberate use of Islamic Religious identity to sell his political image. Drawing on the Koran he has constructed a political theology that essentially states that a good muslim will stand with Imran Khan against traitors who conspired with internal and external enemies of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Of course, USA is singled out as the external enemy.

Imran Khan political rhetoric combines historical examples and searing contempt for the present rulers. When I was a boy Cherry Blossom was only a shoe polish. In Pakistan Cherry Blossom is the preferred term of endearment for Shabazz Sherif. Zardari, the widower of Benazir Bhutto is often spoken of as a Bimari (disease) that rhymes with Zardari. The most devastating attack is reserved for Nawaaz Sherif and Shabaaz Sheriff who are called Mir Jafer and Mir Sadiq. It is not quite clear  who is identified by these names.

In his use of History, Imran Khan is  much too careless. He repeatedly states that Siraj ud Daullah, the Nawab of Bengal, was the representative of the Mussalman Mughal rulers. Nothing can be further from the truth. The Mughals had ceased to be a factor in Indian politics by the first decade of the eighteenth century when the Mahrattas rose to prominence and were raiding territories from Punjab to Bengal. In fact Siraj ud Daullah's maternal grandfather Alivardi Khan had stopped even recognizing Mughal Hukkumat (regime). Mir Jafer was the candidate propped by  Ghasiti Begum, the widow of the late ruler who himself had seized the throne by deposing Safraz Khan. In the Battle of Plassey, Mir Jaffer held back his troops thereby Robert Clive claim his first major military victory in India. Of course, the Battle of Plassey and later the Battle of Buxar paved the way for the rule of the East India Company. Given the factional nature of loyalties in precolonial India, Mir Jaffer was not betraying his state. He was only furthering his factional agenda. Mir Sadiq, is said to have betrayed Tipu Sultan.

Imran Khan is setting fire to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. He is effectively using the themes of treachery, slavery, economic collapse, foreign debt and the War on Terror as effective weapons against the current regime. It is certain that his message resonates with the youth.

The Nine Lives of Pakistan Dispatches' from A Divided Land by Declan Walsh A Review

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The Nine Lives of Pakistan Dispatches from a Divided Land

Declan Walsh

Bloomsbury 2021

I heard of this book in a YouTube pod cast of the Lahore Book Club presented by Shri Adnan Moiz and since I am a keen observer of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and have been following the byzantine politics of the Garrison State rather closely. The dramatic events leading to the exit of Shri Imran Khan has had the nation transfixed even as the Soap Opera unfolded over an entire month. It seems that the Establishment, the Paistani euphemism for its Deep State consisting of the Army and its Secret Service finally had its way. 

This book by Declan Walsh, a correspondent of the New York Times and The Guardian, who spent a decade covering Pakistan from the closing years of the Premiership of Benazir Bhutto through the years of Nawaz Sheriff follows the developments on the political stage by in-depth interviews with men and women not the movers and shakers but humble folks. Friends in low places help us understand reality better than friends perched higher up the ladder. He seeks out human rights activists like the woman lawyer Asma Jehangir, the "encounter specialist" of the Karachi Police and follows the adventurers of a true believer in the Islamic Jihad, Colonel Imran as he sped from Taliban hideouts in Waziristan to a dusty death on the road to Peshawar. Like a cat Pakistan has had Nine Lives and how many of them has it used.

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan made wrong political and ideological choices and the society is paying a huge price for them. The whole idea of Pakistan as a home for Indian Muslims which culminated in the state being created by the British did not involve even the courtesy of a perfunctory consultation with the indigenous populations of the region that came to be called Pakistan. Thus Punjab, Sindh, North West Frontier Province now called Khyber Pukhtunwa  were not taken into confidence. The result is the huge fault line the divides the Mohajirs from India and the rest of the population. The Mohajirs are a discriminated lot and have turned to urban terrorism in Karachi in order to carve out political space for themselves. The MQM is a potent political force and its exiled leader Altaf is able to control the city from his exile in London. 

The other fault line is more elemental and this goes back to 1893 when the Durand Line was established. I have given the link of my study of the Durand Line here.https://wordcraftandstatecraft.blogspot.com/2021/09/the-great-game-all-over-again-durand.html. The Historical and geopolitical aspects of the 1893 Boundary are spelt out in my essay. More important is the fact that Zia ul Haq the Military Dictator of Pakistan walked into the American trap in Afghanistan with his eyes wide shut. A Soviet occupied Afghanistan could have been prevailed upon to accept the Durand Line as the international border. Instead the Pakistani Army and its ISI entered th war against the Soviets by acting as conduits for supplying weapons and arms to the "mujahudeedn" the freedom fighters who were recruited on a pan Islamic basis thereby laying the foundation for the Global Jihad that we see all around us. The second mistake was to fall under American threats and signing up on the War on Terror in 2001. US for reasons that are as yet unclear decided that al Qaeda was behind the attack on the Twin Towers in New York on 9/11. Consequently Pakistani Army was forced to fight the very Taliban it had created trained and helped capture power in Afghanistan. Now the War of Terror turned out to be a disaster both for Pakistan and Afghanistan. The unrestricted use of drones in their war killed large number of civilian non combatants. Link:http://bahuvirupaksha.joeuser.com/article/426514/president-barack-obamas-play-station-war In this Essay we have assessed the impact of Drone attacks and Declan Walsh has drawn attention to the fact that only Imran Khan condemned the attacks. The American War on Terror turned Pakistan into an enemy and the Taliban have not forgotten that betrayal and unfortunately the Army and its leadership seems to be quite indifferent to the ground reality.

The most fascinating part of the book is his use of personal stories to flesh out the rancid realities of politics in Pakistan. The life of the Imam of the Red Mosque who became the founding member of the TeT and the life of Salmaan Taseer are both done to bring out the deepening social divide in Pakistan. The western elite lead a life insulated from the harsh realities of price rise, fuel shortages, lack of medicines and health facilities while the poor have only their Allah and their religion for comfort. The result is a deadly cocktail of social unrest and religious fanaticism and Wash uses the example of Qadri the man who shot and killed Salmaan Taseer to show how deep the poison of religion has seeped. And this toxic legacy is here to stay.

Walsh is careless in his research. On page 70 he writes that Gandhi was killed by the RSS. This narrative was pushed by Nehru and his cohorts but the reality is that the Courts and three Commissions of Inquiry appointed by the Government of India has shown conclusively that the RSS had nothing to do with the killing of Gandhi. By lining Gandhi's assassination with the RSS Nehru sought to gain political mileage in the  days  following the Partition. It is not necessary for a western journalist to repeat this canard even in a book for a general audience. 

I liked this book as I am familiar with the main events. However there are larger questions that Walsh ignores. Pakistan today is caught in a quagmire of Jihadi inspired militancy, Taliban assertion, Baluchi resistance and Sindhi Nationalism. Its survival is now seriously in doubt as the leaders have made wrong choices at each and every critical moment of its history. The War on Terror is the most recent and accepting Chinese loans for the CPEC is another. India will watch what is happening and will not interfere.

STALIN'S LIBRARY INVESTIGATING THE BOOKS THAT MADE STALIN

A look at the world of politics, statecraft, diplomacy and books

Stalin remains a controversial figure in modern history. His reign of terror in the 1930s saw  tens of thousands of innocent men and women marched off to their death. The forced collectivization following the failure of the New Economic Policy saw at least 10 million peasants die of starvation and the rapid industrialization of the Soviet Union was achieved at a huge human cost. The German attack on Soviet Union after the collapse of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact consumed another 25 to 30 million lives. When we face such statistics we can only remember what Stalin once said: The death of an individual is a tragedy but the death of millions is a statistic. Cynical though this statement is, it contains the sad truth.

What kind of a man was Stalin. This book, by Geoffrey Roberts published by the Yale University Press is based on an analysis of the books in Stalin's  Library. The Stalin Digital Archive created by Yale University contains a  complete catalogue of his Collection of nearly 25,000 books. These books were distributed over three buildings : the dacha where he lived, the Kremlin Office where he worked and an annexe which he used for his official entertainment and meeting party colleagues. After his death in 1953, when Soviet Union lurched suddenly towards destalinization his library was dismantled and books distributed to a number of different libraries. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 provided the opportunity for scholars to reexamine the legacy of Stalin. Yale University was first to grab the opportunity and a number of  documents, papers, letters and books of the Russian statesman were regathered collated and catalogued. The book under review is a product of that endeavour.

Stalin was a well educated and well read man. This came as a shock to me even though I have read the Biography of Stalin by Issac Deutcher. As a Marxist, he believed that books were the tools of the mind and his Library contained a rich collection of classics of European Literature. Apart from Georgian and Russian, Stalin could read French but was not adept at English or German. It seems that he made an attempt to learn English as he told H G Wells when he met him before the War. Stalin covered the margins of the books he read with notations--pometki--and these marginal notations are used by the author to probe and explore the mind of Stalin as a reader, thinker and ideologue.

Geoffrey Robert has written an interesting book but a large chunk of the space is taken up by regurgitating the history and life story of Stalin which is by now widely known. He does take time out to dispel some of the myths that have grown around Stalin. He was not an agent of the Tsarist secret police, Okhrana. And unlike the picture of a dour blood thirsty tyrant, Stalin seems to have been intellectually engaged and as the author points out, did not take his own personality cult seriously as he was too intelligent and self aware go be taken in by panegyrics of his sycophants. 

A book of this sort raises an obvious question. Is Stalin being normalized and humanized by such efforts. As a human being Stalin was cold and brutal as his own daughter Svetlana recalled in her Autobiography. When his eldest son was captured by the Germans during World War II, Stalin did not treat his daughter in law and granddaughter any different. They were imprisoned as were other families of Soviet PoWs in German camps. This son was shot by the Germans and only after that was his daughter in law released from prison. Stalin had read the works of Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev,  Kamenev, Bukharin very carefully and the copies of their work were preserved carefully in his collection. 

This book is worth reading as it eschews the pieties of post colonialism and makes a sincere effort to look at Stalin as a reader and producer of ideas. Some of his books such as his work on the National Question are still considered works with great theoretical value. We may recall what Walter Benjamn once wrote: It is not the books that come alive by being collected, it is the collector.